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Is there any evidence of improved sanitation in the years following the Black Death?

Is there any evidence of improved sanitation in the years following the Black Death?


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I've been reading up on the Black Death and surprisingly have not found any evidence of improved sanitation in the years immediately following the event. Was there any improvement? Were people aware of any links between the plague and the poor sanitary conditions of the time?


Improvement in sanitation, based on the understanding that not washing your hands causes disease, is a relatively new concept.

Ignaz Semmelweis was the first man to work out the correlation and publish data. This was in the 1840's, a good couple of centuries after most of the plague had gone from Europe.

It's not just that he was the first to discover it, he had to fight the medical establishment of the day to get his data accepted and understood. Basically, sanitation as a health issue was only accepted in the mainstream near the end of the 19th century.


Black Lives Matter: a timeline of the movement

It all began with a hashtag in 2013, and now it's a global network.

The recent deaths of George Floyd, Ahmaud Arbery and Breonna Taylor in the USA have sparked a new wave of protests over the past few weeks, under the Black Lives Matter (BLM) banner.

Black Lives Matter campaigns against violence and systemic racism towards Black people. The international human rights campaign began on social media in 2013 with the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag, and has since gone on to lead calls for Black people to be treated fairly by authorities in the USA and around the world.

According to Black Lives Matter, the movement is "an ideological and political intervention in a world where Black lives are systematically and intentionally targeted for demise. It is an affirmation of Black folks&rsquo humanity, our contributions to this society, and our resilience in the face of deadly oppression." In 2018, five years after Black Lives Matter began, co-founder Alicia Garza said in an interview that BLM's "goal is to build the kind of society where black people can live with dignity and respect."

Read our timeline of key Black Lives Matter moments in the US to learn about how the movement has grown from a social media post to a global network.

The Black Lives Matter movement began in 2013, following the death of Trayvon Martin, an African-American teenager who was shot while walking to a family friend's house, and the subsequent acquittal of George Zimmerman, the man who shot him.

The campaign was co-founded by three Black women: Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi, as a response to the police killings of Black people. The phrase "black lives matter" was first used in a Facebook post by Garza after Zimmerman was found not guilty, and was the inspiration for the campaign. Cullors recognised the power of Garza's words and created the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter, and the campaign was born.

The movement quickly gathered pace, with interest and momentum spiking every time a Black person was killed as a result of an altercation with police.

In 2014, Black Lives Matter protested against the deaths of numerous Black and African-American people. In July that year, Eric Garner died in New York City after a policeman put him in a chokehold while arresting him. Then, in August, unarmed teenager Michael Brown was killed by a gunshot from a police officer, Darren Wilson (it was later decided that there was not enough evidence to charge Wilson). Both peaceful protests and riots followed, much of which was done under the banner and hashtag of Black Lives Matter.

In response, co-founder Patrisse Cullors organised the Black Life Matters Ride, which drew a gathering of 600 people and sparked the founding of more localised Black Lives Matter groups and the dissemination of the campaign into a network.

The following year saw another spate of Black people killed by police officers in the USA, including Walter Scott, Freddie Gray, and Meagan Hockaday. Black Lives Matter protested against these and many more. They also organised protests to highlight the injustices faced by Black women and Black transgender women. By the end of 2015, 21 transgender people had been killed that year in the USA, a record number at the time, and 13 of the victims were Black.

2016 saw Black Lives Matter organise many more protests against police brutality towards Black people. Those whose deaths occurred due to police actions included Deborah Danner and Alton Sterling. Early July saw over 100 protests take place across America following Sterling's death on July 5th, and Philandro Castile's shooting the next day.

This year also saw major American sports stars lend their voices to the cause of Black Lives Matter. In July 2016, basketball players including LeBron James and Carmelo Anthony opened an awards ceremony by speaking about recent deaths of Black people, saying: "Enough is enough." Then, from August, many sports stars began taking part in protests during national anthems at sports games, beginning with Colin Kaepernick, who knelt during the anthem ahead of an NFL game.

Black History Month is celebrated in February in the USA (it's marked in October in the UK). In 2017, Black Lives Matter put on their first art exhibition timed to coincide with Black History Month in the US state of Virginia. It featured the work of over 30 Black artists and creators.

Black Lives Matter protest not only the killings of Black people, but also some acquittals and 'not guilty' verdicts in those cases which make it to trial. In June, they held a protest after the officer accused of killing Philandro Castile the year before was found not guilty.

In August, Black Lives Matter campaigners were among counter-protestors at a white supremacist 'Unite The Right' rally in Charlottesville, Virginia.

In an interview with ABC News marking five years of Black Lives Matter, Cullors explained the impact the organisation had had on other causes. She said: &ldquo[BLM] has popularised civil disobedience and the need to put our bodies on the line. With things like the Women&rsquos March, and Me Too, and March for our Lives, all of these movements, their foundations are in Black Lives Matter.&rdquo

By May 1st, 2018, a study found that the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter had been used nearly 30 million times on Twitter since the first instance in 2013.

As they marked five years of action, Black Lives Matter continued to highlight the deaths of Black people who had lost their lives at the hands of US police that year, including Grechario Mack and Kenneth Ross Jr.

In February 2019, the rapper 21 Savage was arrested and detained by the US's immigration agency, ICE. As a result, Cullors convened a group of 60 high profile stars from the music and entertainment worlds to advocate for his release.

Then, in May, Oklahoma teenager Isaiah Lewis was shot by police and killed. Days later, Black Lives Matter held a 100-strong rally in protest.

Major protests were sparked at the end of May following the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis. A video showing a police officer kneeling on Floyd's neck went viral following his death. Police officer, Derek Chauvin, has since been charged with second-degree murder - raised from an initial charge of third-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter (the case is yet to go to trial). Three other officers who were there have all been charged with aiding and abetting second-degree murder and aiding and abetting second-degree manslaughter. Their cases are also yet to go to trial.

Black Lives Matter went on to organise protests around the world. In London, two Black activists Aima, 18, and Tash, 21, organised a rally in Trafalgar Square, which was attended by thousands on Sunday, May 31st.

Many more have followed since. At one London protest, Star Wars actor John Boyega joined 15,000 others in Hyde Park, and told crowds:

"Today is about innocent people who were halfway through their process, we don&rsquot know what George Floyd could have achieved, we don&rsquot know what Sandra Bland could have achieved, but today we&rsquore going to make sure that won&rsquot be an alien thought to our young ones."

In November, Joe Biden won the US Presidential election, and vote counts revealed that areas with high numbers of Black voters helped him win many of the states that went to Trump in the 2016 election.


African-American History

Review: Edward E. Baptist. The Half has never been Told. Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism. New York: Basic Books 2014.

This book provides an important contribution to our understanding of Capitalism in America. The important contribution begins on page 301 and ends around page 395. The rest is well researched, informative, and inchoate, slathered in Poesy and weak in Methodology Baptist is unwilling to pursue to the end the implications of his own subtitle.

"Оттенки черного. Культурно-антропологические аспекты взаимовосприятия и взаимоотношений африкано-американцев и мигрантов из стран субсахарской Африки в США"

The book is based on the field evidence collected in 2013–2015 in more than a dozen cities and towns of seven states.

Монография основана на полевых материалах, собранных в 2013–2015 годах. В центре внимания автора – взаимовосприятие и взаимоотношения представителей двух африканских по происхождению групп населения США: существующего уже несколько столетий сообщества африкано-американцев и сложившихся в наше время диаспор выходцев из различных государств субсахарской Африки. В историко-социологическом контексте рассматриваются такие культурно-антропологические аспекты восприятия друг друга черными американцами и африканскими мигрантами, как историческая память и взаимные образы культур. Показывается влияние того, как взаимовосприятие носителей разных культур сказывается на взаимоотношениях между ними. Монография, с одной стороны, лежит в русле общих тенденций в современных антропологии и африканистике, а с другой, вносит вклад в разработку конкретной слабоизученной темы, актуальной не только для этих научных дисциплин, но и для американистики.


Leading Indicators of Societal Oppression

Black Americans are surely victimized by criminal cops. Black Americans are also surely victimized by criminal non-cops. And some of the crime black Americans suffer is no doubt racially motivated.

But the same can be said for any group. White Americans are also victimized by criminal cops. White Americans are also victimized by criminal non-cops. And some of the crime that white Americans suffer is also racially motivated.

Being the victim of a crime—whether it’s racially motivated or not—doesn’t automatically mean you’re being oppressed. Oppression is a little more complicated than that.

To show what I mean, I devised 11 benchmarks for oppression. For each benchmark a group finds itself on the wrong side of, its members must contend with an undeserved hurdle or double-standard that has been artificially imposed and makes their path to self-actualization more difficult (i.e., they’re less free). I then applied my benchmarks to three groups—black and white Americans in America today and Jews in Nazi Germany. Black and white Americans thus represent the experimental groups in my exercise and Jews represent the control group (i.e., they categorically define what yes/no answer puts a group on the wrong side of a benchmark). Here are the results.

Blacks in America TodayWhites in America TodayJews in Nazi Germany
1. Can be legally discriminated against?NoYesYes
2. Are giving preferential treatment to artificially boost their representation in the country's most influential schools, institutions, businesses, and legislative bodies?YesNoNo
3. Commit more violent crimes against their historic foe than vice versa?YesNoNo
4. Benefit from immigration laws and policies that turbo-charge their population growth and thus enhance their political and cultural power?YesNoNo
5. Are the official villain of big education, big journalism, and big entertainment?NoYesYes
6. Can be called out in mainstream society for their self-destructive behaviors?NoYesYes
7. Can be called out in mainstream society for their socially unacceptable attitudes, particularly racism?NoYesYes
8. Are morally obligated to have the same passion for the rights of other groups as they do for their own?NoYesYes
9. Can legally start and run any lawful business, providing they abide by all applicable laws and regulations?YesYesNo
10. Can legally pursue and perform any lawful trade or profession, providing they acquire and maintain the applicable certifications or licenses?YesYesNo
11. Can be stripped of citizenship and sent to death camps because they have the wrong skin color or practice the wrong religion?NoNo Yes

Now, assuming for the moment that my chosen indicators of societal oppression are fair, a neutral observer of life in the United States today would rightly conclude that white Americans are the ones being oppressed, not black Americans.

Do I think white Americans are being oppressed? No. Being on the wrong side of indicators one through eight is troubling and could easily metastasize into something far worse if we’re not careful. But the reverse-Jim Crow, or better yet, Progressive Crow practiced in America today is largely self-imposed (i.e., it’s whites hurting whites) and nowhere near as harsh as the Jim Crow practiced in America prior to 1970 and the Nazi Crow practiced during Hitler’s reign. Moreover, being on the right side of indicators nine through eleven means a lot. It means that white Americans are still in control of their destinies. Any white American who thus takes care of his or her own poop and abides by my self-governance checklist (see below) is going to do fine.

The Self-Governance Checklist

  1. Shower
  2. Make your bed
  3. Exercise
  4. Work—either to garner more money or to garner more knowledge and wisdom
  5. Save—either by funding an important saving goal, reducing debt, or honing your frugality muscles
  6. Don’t smoke
  7. Avoid self-sabotage—don’t take education for granted, don’t procreate irresponsibly, don’t commit crimes, and don’t fool with drugs or marinate your liver in alcohol
  8. Avoid refined carbs and sugar
  9. Be kind to strangers
  10. Be loving to family and friends

Now a question. If white Americans—who are on the wrong side of eight out of eleven indicators—aren’t being oppressed, are black Americans—who are on the wrong side of zero out of eleven indicators—being oppressed? I don’t see how. And that’s the point of this exercise. Black Americans suffer far less “oppression” than our misguided (or corrupt) professors, journalists, entertainers, corporate CEOs, and politicians would have you believe. And just like white Americans, black Americans are surely in control of their destinies.

No one is stopping black Americans from doing anything socially or financially constructive. The sad truth is that black Americans do less well than white Americans—and Hispanic Americans, and Asian Americans—because far too many black Americans have embraced a subprime culture (i.e., they don’t take care of their poop and don’t abide by my self-governance checklist). And when you embrace a subprime culture—whether you’re black or not—you’re going to experience subprime results. You’re going to struggle socially and financially.

Quick aside: Two great books that prove culture is more important than “oppression” are The Unheavenly City Revisited and Wealth and Poverty. The former was published in 1970 and the latter was published in 1981 and they’re the only books I remember that make a distinction between census data and comparable data when comparing group income results. Census data are just the sum of incomes of a particular group’s members divided by that group’s household count. Progressives love census data because they prove that black Americans are being “oppressed.” After all, according to census data, black households make less than half of what white households make.

But census data don’t account for a group’s behaviors. Comparable data on the other hand do. And when the authors of the above books compared black household income to white household income and controlled for just three variables—age, education, and marital status—the gap between black household income and white household income almost disappeared. In other words, a black married couple in which both spouses were 30 years old and high-school educated made the same household income as a white married couple in which both spouses were 30 years old and high-school educated. And this happy phenomenon is alive and well today in the form of Nigerian Americans (see here, here, and here). Yep, when you take care of your poop and abide by my self-governance checklist it doesn’t matter what color you are. You’re going to kick ass in America.


First, Let’s Disprove the Narrative that Police Are Far and Violent than Ever in Modern U.S. History — and Touch Upon Whether Their Actions are Evidence of Systemic Racism

There’s no solid evidence police violence has increased in recent years (despite what academic papers titled “In the Shadows of the War on Terror” might imply about “militarized policing”), or is disproportionately directed at minority Americans at rates vastly higher than the crime rate. In fact, the most credible evidence says the opposite: It’s gone down significantly for blacks, but not for whites.

In fact, I’ve yet to find any evidence that presents solid data or trends indicating police are getting far more violent over the past decade. This may come as a surprise to global citizens inundated with news of “black deaths at the hands of police” in America. Rebutting the Urban League CEO who says police killings are at a 20-year high, Politifact fact-checks that the data simply isn’t reliable enough to say one way or another, because the government isn’t collecting the data consistently year-to-year. But I have found academic and news sources that indicate the trend of state-sanctioned violence is indeed growing more favorable to African Americans and persons living in urban environments. Also, it appears clear that the narrative of “white police oppressing minority populations” is much overstated, especially when discovering facts like the following: Black police that shoot their weapons three times as much as their counterparts, and predominantly at black citizens.

Let’s go back to lethal force by cops for a minute, where the evidence is clear the 1960s and 1970s had far more police shootings, particularly in large American cities. According to the New York Times, New York City had 91 fatal police killings in 1971, but only 8 in 2013. Indeed, police-involved shootings in Chicago today are four to six times less than they were in the 1970s, as a 1980s sociology text confirms. In 1975 in Chicago, 148 civilians were shot by police, according to data published in 1982 by Northwestern University’s Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. In 2015 and 2016, 25 citizens were shot by police in both years, according to the Chicago crime data-crunching website HeyJackass! (The Chicago Tribune lists slightly less with 22 people shot, 8 fatally, in 2015 and if you do some quick math you’ll see the rate of lethal force in Chicago the past two years is the same as nationally, roughly 1 in 300,000.) Here are the concrete numbers for two separate years spanning four decades which are among the worst for violence in Chicago:

  • 1974: 970 Chicago citizens murders (including 6 police shot and killed)
  • 1974: 137 citizens shot by police (page 20 of PDF)
  • 2016: 800+ Chicago citizens murdered
  • 2016: 25 citizens shot by police

You can also safely assume that black citizens were on the receiving end of the majority of shootings and killings by police in large American cities like Chicago and New York City. Thus, there’s a correlation of city deaths at the hands of police lowering in parallel with the rate of African Americans nationwide. This is because the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has shown a dramatic downward trend from 1968–1969 to 2010–2011 for African Americans, but not for the category “All Other Races.”

I have yet to discover other news or academic articles compare these data sets.

Black conservative Larry Elder makes this powerful point, and citing CDC data, one of the more trusted U.S agencies, he asks, “So what’s driving this notion that there is now an ‘epidemic’ of white cops shooting blacks when in the last several decades the numbers of blacks killed by cops are down nearly 75 percent?” Good question. According to the CDC data, the rate for all other racial groups have remained the same, or even went up slightly. Indeed, it’s noteworthy that the liberal anti-incarceration group Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice (CJCJ) refers to the same CDC data and chart (see above) showing the rate of black people killed by law enforcement is more than three times less than 40–50 years ago. (Nov 2017 Update: It’s quite possible the reputable Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice were the ones who first compiled the data and made the chart “Rate of Police Killings, African Americans vs. All Other Ages/Races” in 2014, after an image search for “compressed mortality file 1968–2011 CDC” and many other fact-finding attempts yielded no CDC report — though there are CDC tools to generate them for recent years. However, Larry Elder refers directly to CDC reports, ignoring the CJCJ. Regardless, my point is simple: Left-leaning and right-leaning sources are trumpeting the same data and chart without dispute.)

Yet facts like these are largely ignored and almost never mentioned in mainstream news reports. In the age of “viral videos,” the “isolated instance” of police violence gets twisted into an epidemic — and nearly exclusively happening to people of color. That’s not true. Especially knowing that two out of four people killed by police are white, and less than 10% of all people killed were unarmed — and some of those police-fighting “unarmed” assailants were still lethally dangerous. (Why? Because fighting a police officer who has a gun can turn mortally dangerous under specific circumstances, like when knocking unconscious an armed police officer in a fight. Last one to get the gun is a rotten egg, and likely dead.)

When cries of racism pop up, maybe it can be be pointed out that nearly 80% of the people black officers kill are black when blacks comprise 25% overall deaths by all officers. Indeed, black cops shoot their guns 3.3 times more often than their counterparts according to a 2015 University of Pennsylvania Department of Criminology statistical study — again, a reflection of the dangerous areas they serve more than any other factor. This indisputably counters the narrative that it’s white police officers using lethal force against black and brown people disproportionately compared to their peers. In fact, the University of Pennsylvania study by criminologist Greg Ridgeway says point-blank that while diversifying police ranks adds legitimacy, “Recent research suggests diversity does not make officers safer and this research does not suggest diversity will reduce the risk of police shootings.”

And it’s worth noting: Applying “use of force” doesn’t mean it’s “unjustified use of force.” These are trained techniques used for compliance and the safety of the officer and citizens, when used correctly. There is even no clear definition of what constitutes “excessive force” despite the term showing up repeatedly in stories around policing. I do sense some people — activists mostly — live in an imaginary world where police should refrain from protecting themselves, and every perpetrator cooperatively goes to jail like a ten-year-old heading to Disneyland. If use of force happened 1 in 25 times for both white and black persons per arrest (about 4% of the time), wouldn’t most people say that’s both low and negligible? Wouldn’t people say that sounds like a country without a racism problem in policing? That’s what the Center for Policing Equity found this summer, closely matching the results of Dr. Fryer regarding citizen stops.

Thus, I won’t delve deeply into Fryer’s self-proclaimed “most surprising result of my career” of NO racial bias in police shootings. I wrote about those results earlier in August when discussing Chicago’s recent police shootings and the rare use of deadly force, which contradicts news headlines and far-too-common assumptions. In fact, some paragraphs here are directly lifted from the “addendum” content at the bottom of that post. I want to focus on the area that DOES appear to show racial bias — and then present clearly that the gap between blacks and whites are really quite small. (Again, refer to the graphic at the start of this post.)

I do ask: To the many befuddled critics of Fryer’s “no racial bias” shooting data, from Slate to Snopes, can you also downplay his “yes there’s racial bias” use-of-force data from the same analysis? Because I don’t believe you can use one and not the other, especially when those numbers match up. That’s cherry picking for a preconceived narrative.

The Fryer use-of-force data itself is credible as it’s nearly identical to similar reports, such as one put out this summer by the Center for Policing Equity titled “Race, Arrests, and Police Use of Force.” This analysis has been shown as clear evidence of racial bias by the Daily Kos, The New York Times and other publications— even though I argue it divulges no such definitive conclusions, but merely echoes the intentions of the study’s social justice-minded creators. Still, I prefer Fryer’s openness and his team’s 3000 hours of data-analyzing and clarity of presentation, even if it is a “working paper” and not yet peer-reviewed and only conservative websites tend to highlight the rigor of the more “controversial” shooting analysis. (If Fryer would have only published his use-of-force analysis, no one would have blinked and prevalent quibbling directed at the Harvard scholar’s work — published in the esteemed National Bureau of Economic Research — would have likely been non-existent.) Both papers utilize data from large samples in diverse cities across the United States, and Fryer focuses on New York City for use of force during the stop-and-frisk era 2003–2013.

Regardless, these are twin reports that claim all-things-being-equal (applying crime benchmarks to the mix), the use-of-force rate is still around 20% higher for blacks than whites (a rate of around 1.2, or “1.2 times more likely, all things being equal”). The rate higher is 3.6 (Center for Policing Equity) or 3.335 (Fryer) if one does not control for highly important interaction points with law enforcement, such as arrests and known crime data. So both studies are in the same ballpark, with or without controls. But on the street — and this is my main point — “20% higher” translates to about the SAME percentage of use-of-force actions by police for blacks and whites, within a margin of 1% (look at the orange column located on the right of my two graphics at the top and bottom of this analysis).

How much the same? How often is use-of-force taking place? According to Fryer’s data during Giuliani-Bloomberg’s New York City, suspects are “pushed to the ground” once out of every 73 stops if black (1.3% of the time) or 1 in 87 times if white (1.1%). The Center for Policing Equity’s widely reported conclusion breaks down to “use of force” by police happening 3.6% of the time for white people and 4.6% of the time for black people per arrest.

That’s the “next step.” That’s reality. It’s tangible and something an average reader can visualize. Why isn’t that done by media or academia?


St. Louis couple who pulled guns on BLM protesters pleads guilty

It took several months for the first iteration of the Ferguson Effect to become obvious. Michael Brown was fatally shot by a Ferguson, Missouri, police officer in August 2014, triggering local riots and a national narrative about lethally racist police. Officers backed off proactive policing in minority neighborhoods, having been told that such discretionary enforcement was racially oppressive. By early 2015, the resulting spike in shootings and homicides had become patent and would lead to an additional 2,000 black homicide victims in 2015 and 2016, compared with 2014 numbers.

Today’s violent-crime increase — call it Ferguson Effect 2.0 or the Minneapolis Effect — has come on with a speed and magnitude that make Ferguson 1.0 seem tranquil. George Floyd’s death at the hands of Minneapolis police in late May was justly condemned — but the event has now spurred an outpouring of contempt against the pillars of law and order that has no precedent in American history. Every day, another mainstream institution — from McDonald’s to Harvard — denounces the police, claiming without evidence that law enforcement is a threat to black lives.

To be sure, the first manifestation of the Black Lives Matter movement had a mouthpiece in the Oval Office, lacking now. It doesn’t matter. Presidential imprimatur or no, the reborn Black Lives Matter has gained billions of dollars in corporate support, more billions in free round-the-clock media promotion, and a ruthless power to crush dissent from the now-universal narrative about murderous police bigots.

During the two weeks of national anarchy that followed the death of George Floyd, cops were shot, slashed, and assaulted their vehicles and station houses were firebombed and destroyed. American elites stayed silent. Since then, police have continued to be shot at and attacked the elites remain silent. Monuments to America’s greatest leaders are being defaced with impunity anarchists took over a significant swathe of a major American city, including a police precinct, without resistance from the authorities. And a push to defund the police gains traction by the day.

The rising carnage in the inner city is the consequence of this official repudiation of the criminal-justice system. The current tolerance and justification for vandalism and violence the silencing of police supporters and police unwillingness to intervene, even when their own precincts are assaulted — all send a clear message to criminals that society has lost the will to prevent lawlessness. In Minneapolis, shootings have more than doubled this year compared to last. Nearly half of all those shootings have occurred since George Floyd’s death, according to a Minneapolis Star Tribune analysis. On Father’s Day, a mass shooting on a crowded street uptown struck 11 people. The next day saw a chain of retaliatory shootings — the first next to a park filled with children, the next, 90 minutes later, on a notorious gang-dominated street intersection. In nearby St. Paul, reported firearms discharges have more than doubled. The same gangbangers are getting shot repeatedly. One 17-year-old boy has been shot in four different events over the last month and a half.

See also

Portland police declare riot as protests turn violent again

In Chicago, 18 people were killed and 47 wounded in drive- and walk-by shootings last weekend. The fatalities included a one-year-old boy riding in a car with his mother (the gunman drove up alongside and emptied his gun into the vehicle) and a 10-year-old girl struck in the head inside her home a group of youth on the street outside her house had started shooting at another group of youth nearby. The previous weekend in Chicago, 104 people were shot, 15 fatally. The deceased included a 3-year-old boy riding in a car with his father on Father’s Day — his gangbanger father was the intended victim — and a 13-year-old girl shot in her head in her home.

New York City’s homicide rate is at a five-year high the number of shooting victims was up over 42 percent through June 21 compared with the same period in 2019. The number of shootings in the first three weeks of June was over twice that of the same period in 2019, making this June the city’s bloodiest in nearly a quarter century, according to The New York Times. At 4 a.m. last Sunday, a 30-year-old woman was shot in the head in East Williamsburg, Brooklyn, at a house party. On Saturday afternoon, a man and a woman were shot to death outside a Brooklyn home. Early Friday morning, a 19-year-old girl was shot to death in the heart of Manhattan, near Madison Square Park, on East 26th Street.

Milwaukee’s homicides have increased 132 percent. “In 25 years, I’ve never seen it like this,” a Milwaukee police inspector told the Police Executive Research Forum, referring to the violence and the low officer morale. Shootings are spiking in Indianapolis. Other cities will show similar increases once their crime data are published.

By now, these drearily mindless gang shootings echo one another. Another 3-year-old boy was shot in Chicago with his gangbanger father on another Father’s Day, this one in 2016 the boy is paralyzed for life. The young children recently shot inside their homes also recall Ferguson 1.0 incidents.

In August 2016, a nine-year-old girl was shot to death in Ferguson on her mother’s bed while doing homework. The gunman was a 21-year-old felon on probation from a robbery conviction who deliberately shot at least six bullets into the home, located near a memorial for Michael Brown. But the pedigree of these domestic drive-bys is longer and more ominous. In New York, children used to sleep in bathtubs before Mayor Rudolph Giuliani and Police Commissioner William Bratton began restoring lawfulness to the city in 1994 we are fast returning to that pre-Giuliani era.

So far this year, more people have been killed in Baltimore than at this point in 2019, which ended with the highest homicide rate on record for that city. June’s killings, which eclipse those of June 2019, include a 23-year-old woman who was eight months pregnant and her three-year-old daughter. They were gunned down in their car by the father of the woman’s unborn child, according to the police.

The victims in these shootings are overwhelmingly black. So far this year, 78 percent of all homicide victims in Chicago are black, though blacks are less than a third of the population. But the defund-the-police advocates and the Democratic establishment have said nothing about the growing loss of black lives.

Instead, the Black Lives Matter movement is tweeting about police defunding, last weekend’s gay pride marches and NASCAR’s Bubba Wallace, the subject of yet another hate-crime hoax. DeRay Mckesson, an early BLM organizer in Ferguson, is retweeting about whether homophobes are secretly gay.

Activist Shaun King, who recently called for vandals to destroy stained-glass windows portraying the Baby Jesus and Mary, is retweeting that Mount Rushmore is an act of vandalism. Ja’Mal Green, a Black Lives Matter organizer in Chicago who was arrested in 2016 for assaulting and attempting to disarm an officer, offered a $5,000 reward on Saturday for information on the killing of the 1-year-old boy in Chicago, but coupled that offer with another call to defund the police. Since then, Green has been tweeting about abortion rights and the extradition of President Trump to Iran. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is tweeting about abortion rights, gay pride and Trump’s culpability for the coronavirus epidemic. The Vera Institute for Justice, a liberal criminal-justice think tank, announced on Monday that “now is the time to spend less on policing” in order to “create safer communities for Black people.”

Actually, now would seem not to be the time to spend less on policing, with gunslingers retaking control of urban streets. The timing of the defund movement was always a puzzle, coming as it did after weeks of destructive riots during which law enforcement was wildly overmatched. Such a demonstration of the violence that lies just beneath the surface of civilization would not, one might think, be the best opening pitch for an argument to shrink police manpower and resources further.

See also

What does ‘defund the police’ really mean, and how would it work?

Yet the defund idea took off, with the media making sure that the looting and arson became a hazy memory (at least for those whose life’s work did not go up in flames) while alleged police racism remained in the headlines. The establishment, in further proof of the elite betrayal of the principle of law, was happy to forgive and forget the riots as an understandable release of black rage. And now, the self-described champions of black lives are pressing ahead with their anti-cop campaign, with a breezy indifference to countervailing evidence.

While 307 people have been murdered this year in Chicago, the Chicago police have killed three suspects, all armed and dangerous. In 2018, the New York Police Department recorded its lowest number of fatal civilian shootings — five — since records were first kept in 1971. (Data from 2019 have not been published.) All five victims were threatening or appeared to be threatening officers with guns or knives.

The Minneapolis Effect will not be confined to intra-racial gang violence. Sadistic and gratuitous attacks on elderly citizens have been accelerating in recent weeks — a 78-year-old woman punched casually on the head in Brooklyn an 80-year-old man knocked to the ground, dragged and robbed in the Bronx and a 92-year-old woman slammed into a fire hydrant in Manhattan’s Gramercy Park. The high-volume delegitimization of American justice and the incessant drumbeat about white supremacy will likely result in an increase in black-on-white violence, which already accounts for 85 percent of all interracial attacks between blacks and whites.

Meanwhile, criminal-justice leaders themselves are surrendering. The New York Police Commissioner has disbanded the department’s most effective tool for getting illegal guns off the street, the plainclothes Anti-Crime Unit. Officers across the country are being told to ignore low-level offenses, and urban D.A.s are refusing to prosecute public-order arrests, on the ground that Broken Windows policing is racist — until, that is, an outbreak of particularly irksome disorder becomes too widespread, as is the case with the current fireworks discharges. The head of the Lieutenants Benevolent Association in New York has advised its members to use their “utmost discretion” in responding to fireworks complaints unless New York Mayor Bill de Blasio “unequivocally commits to having our officers enforce fireworks infractions and the District Attorneys verbally commit to processing fireworks offenses” (emphasis in original). Otherwise, warns the LBA president, officers are merely being set up for a new slew of phony civilian complaints.

Ambushes await officers who respond to gunfire alerts, illegal house parties and other crimes. This weekend, New York officers were assaulted with bottles and garbage by a group of about 500 people at 3:45 a.m. in Harlem as they tried to find the source of a shooting picked up by ShotSpotter technology. A Baltimore officer was shot in the stomach earlier this month while trying to break up a large party in West Baltimore. Such parties are the seedbed of gun violence the day before, a gunman had shot into a crowd at another large Baltimore party. One of Baltimore’s defunding groups, “Organizing Black,” was unmoved. “ABOLISH THE POLICE is the goal,” it wrote on Twitter, “F–K THE POLICE is the Attitude.” Two car thieves in Chicago struck an officer with their stolen car and dragged him a short distance this June. In late May, crowds threw glass bottles at Chicago officers as they tried to arrest gun suspects in one case, the crowd tried to free the suspect from a patrol car.

These are no longer the warning signs of a possible breakdown of civilized life. That breakdown is upon us. If local and national leaders are unable to summon the will to defend our most basic institutions from false and inflammatory charges of racism, they have forfeited their right to govern. Unless new leaders come forth who understand their duty to maintain the rule of law, the country will not pull back from disaster.

Heather Mac Donald is a contributing editor of City Journal, from which this column was adapted.


Introduction

Acute laminitis is a common and debilitating disease affecting both horses and ponies, often progressing to become a chronic problem and even leading to the demise of the animal. Although many different factors have been implicated as instigators for acute laminitis 1, 2 , it has traditionally been presumed that the clinical signs are a result of a common pathophysiological pathway occurring within the foot. However, the possibility that there are distinctly different mechanisms for different forms of acute laminitis is now being considered. Currently, the primary hypotheses for the key factors involved in acute laminitis include inflammation and extracellular matrix degradation, metabolic abnormalities and endothelial/vascular dysfunction 3 .

Hoof structure

The equine foot consists of a hard, keratinised hoof wall and the various structures that it encloses 4 . The hoof wall is made of the stratum externum (stratum tectorium), stratum medium and stratum internum (stratum lamellatum) 4-6 . The distal phalanx is attached to the hoof wall by the stratum internum, which attaches to the corium, creating a surface called the laminar interface 6 . This interface involves epidermal (horny) and dermal (vascular) components, with the primary and secondary epidermal laminae of the stratum internum interlocking with the primary and secondary dermal laminae of the laminar corium to form an epidermal-dermal junction bound by a basement membrane 4, 6 .

Basement membrane within the digit

The basement membrane maintains the structural integrity of the digit, contributes to its thermoregulatory control and influences the exchange of nutrients 7, 8 . It is made up of the lamina densa, anastomosing cords of type IV and type VII collagen ensheathed in glycoproteins (such as laminin) that attach directly to the plasma membrane of the epithelial cells to form a boundary between the keratinised epidermis and the fibrous connective tissue of the dermis 9-12 . Epithelial cells usually attach to the basement membrane by adhesion molecules (integrins) that are components of the plasma membrane 13-15 . Although adhesion molecules within the equine digit have not been identified completely, it seems likely that the attachment of the basement membrane and epithelial cells within the equine digit is similar to that found in other species, because collagen and laminin are present in the basement membrane 9, 10, 16 .

Digital blood supply

The medial and lateral palmar (or plantar) digital arteries supply arterial blood to the foot 4 . The blood supply can be further divided into the dorsal coronary dermis, palmar (or plantar) coronary and laminar dermis and dorsal laminar and solar dermis, with each area supported by defined branches of the palmar (plantar) digital arteries 4, 17 . The dorsal laminar region is supplied with blood in a distal-to-proximal direction, and the arteries supplying this region are the last to be perfused with minimal collateral circulation available 17, 18 . The venous drainage of the foot directs blood predominantly up the palmar/plantar aspect, with an extensive venous plexus under the skin of the coronary band. Most veins within the equine digit have no valves but do have thick muscular walls that can withstand high intravascular pressures 4, 8 .

The digital microcirculation is extremely complex, with thin vascular sheets arranged between the laminar projections. These vascular sheets consist of interconnecting arteries that enter the laminar circulation axially between pairs of veins, with branches of these arteries abaxially giving rise to capillaries oriented proximo-distally and arranged in abaxially placed rows 4, 19 . The laminar veins are arranged in a similar manner to the arteries and form the bulk of the vascular skeleton 4 . There are between 50 and 500 arteriovenous anastomoses per square centimetre throughout the equine laminar circulation, located between central arteries and veins 4, 19 . Arteriovenous anastomoses create a direct communication between arteries and veins which, when open, provide a low-resistance pathway that bypasses the capillaries 8 . Arteriovenous anastomoses are found throughout the coronary band dermis, the coronary and terminal papillae, at the base of the dermal laminae within neurovascular bundles and along the dermal laminae of the equine digit 20 .


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Arguments

The State of Georgia argued that the death penalty had been lawfully applied. The Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments provide that no state “shall deprive any person of life, liberty or property without due process of law.” Therefore, the Constitution allows a state to deprive someone of life as long as it provides due process of law. In the case of Furman, he had been found guilty through a jury of his peers and sentenced. The attorneys argued that the death penalty has served as a means to deter particularly violent and awful crimes since the time in which the U.S. Constitution and the Eighth Amendment were written. The death penalty should be abolished by individual states, rather than the Supreme Court, the attorneys added in their brief.

Attorneys on behalf of Furman argued that his sentence was “a rare, random and arbitrary infliction” of punishment, not allowed under the Eighth Amendment. Specifically for Furman, the fact that he had been sentenced to death when there were conflicting reports of his “mental soundness” was particularly cruel and unusual. The attorneys further pointed out that the death penalty was used more frequently against poor people and people of color. The jury that convicted Furman knew only that the victim died by a shot from a handgun and that the defendant was young and Black.


American ake Kwon Do Moo Duk Kwan Federation

Established in 1992 by Charles Graham

The modern history of American Tae Kwon Do Moo Duk Kwan can be traced back to 1961. This is the year that Tae Kwon Do and Moo Duk Kwan formed one organization. As far as we are concerned, Master Chun Chae Kyu (instructor of Eugene Perceval Jr.), was the head of that organization. After returning home from Korea in 1964, Grandmaster Eugene Perceval Jr. (Click for bio), founded Tae Kwon Do Moo Duk Kwan U.S.A. Students of GM Perceval included now GM Forrest Blair and GM Charles Graham (click for bio).

In 1974, ties were broken with GMs Eugene Perceval Jr. and Forrest Blair. This led to GM Graham's (then 3rd Dan) founding of American Tae Kwon Do Moo Duk Kwan in 1977. Grandmaster Graham vision was to bring about a renewal of the old philosophy with attitudes for the future. The newly formed organization began to set its course for its ensuing success and growth. It's also during this time that its most influential black belt instructors and masters began their training.

At that time, classes were held in the basement of "Chuck's" home on Phillips Avenue in Browns Mills. Those were the good ole' "basement days" that he fondly refers too. The basement days saw the foundation being established for what is now known as the American Moo Duk Kwan Federation. It was also a time in which our organization and system were in their initial stages of growth. The most influential instructors were being raised and mentored as leaders of this new organization. It wasn't uncommon to have multiple black belts instructors and masters such as Johnnie Q. Wade, Roy Wade, Jeffrey Whitehead, Ray Thomann, Herman Davis, Stanley Heath, Roy Donald, and many others be in attendance during class. It was a great time to train, as much wisdom and knowledge was shared by the pioneers of the system.

American Tae Kwon Do Moo Duk Kwan, under Grandmaster Graham, was unlike the traditional Korean schools and organizations that became popular in the 1970's and early 1980's. Although it maintained many of those early traditions, the organization's approach instilled American values while striving to develop a true warriors mentality. The strength, focus and direction of this organization was found in the diversity of its black belt membership. This made it very unique, genuine and tenable.

As a style, its influence is found in various Asian martial arts styles, American boxing, military technique, and grappling. The organization also adopted military discipline, a ranking system, and the use of traditional forms, modeled from Japanese Shotokan kata modified by the early Korean martial arts founders.

Under his guidance, the American Moo Duk Kwan Federation was established in 1992. This organization was formulated to provide a strong, unified and credible body of martial artists. The American Tae Kwon Do Moo Duk Kwan Federation is credited with producing many high caliber black belt instructors and masters who continue to uphold and promote its legacy, history and traditions.


Watch the video: Is the world getting better or worse? A look at the numbers. Steven Pinker (July 2022).


Comments:

  1. Bennet

    You burn, buddy))

  2. Sebert

    Infinite discussion :)

  3. Graeghamm

    Post something else

  4. Meztijinn

    License me from this.



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